Fede:
I believe the knife was probably part of the traveling gypsies arsenal at some point and maybe the use of it was lessened or grew extinct over time or was just kept as inside knowledge passed within families or groups. We know the spanish, italian and other gypsies knew of the knife and used it for self protection.
Found some interesting pieces at gypsy lore society that I really want to look into at later date:
Notice the first here mentions knife fighting culture:
Kircherized Knowledge and "The Egyptian Question"
David "Jim" Nemeth, University of Toledo
"The Egyptian Question" can be distinguished from "The Egyptian Problem." Curiosity gives rise to both, but curiosity about Gypsies once "problematized" demands action that usually poses a threat to Gypsies. "Problems" by definition exist to be solved. Scientific problem solving is a systematic process that by design produces a win/lose outcome. Problem Gypsies in this scenario are destined to lose. For humanitarian reasons, Gypsy scholars should attempt to explore alternatives to a problem solving approach in Gypsy studies that can satisfy the curiosity of outsiders yet does not threaten Gypsies. Gypsy "problems" might, for example, be resolved, absolved or dissolved rather than solved. My presentation focuses on a way to dissolve "The Egyptian Problem." It promotes a "Kircherized Knowledge" approach to Gypsy studies in place of the familiar "Tree of Knowledge" approach. Kircherized knowledge relates anything (as contrasted to everything) about Gypsies that can be connected into a robust and enjoyable roundtable discussion that goes nowhere. "The Egyptian Question," in contrast to "The Egyptian Problem," is an enriching conversation in and for itself. Truth seeking about Gypsies is not required in order to participate in this conversation. Kircherized knowledge about Gypsies flows rather than advances, and is inchoate, yet interesting. My example of a Kircherized conversation begins with a photograph of "Mr. and Mrs. Gypsy Joe," a wrestling act in the early 1950s. I still don't know if they were Gypsies, but I know that some Rom Gypsies were great fans of "The Joes," and that 25 years later they were still almost exclusively watching wrestling (along with roller derby and cartoons) on their television set. They considered most other television programs dirty (soap operas) or boring (news). When they weren't watching television or working, they were playing instruments, dancing and singing. The songs were often dated American pop songs that related to the Gypsy motif (for example "Golden Earrings," "Cabbages and Kings," "The Song of the Wild Goose"). Other songs were heavily censored or completely avoided depending on Rom Gypsy standards of morality (I learned of this the hard way!). My Kircherized conversation flows on into what Professor Ian Hancock disdains as the "supposed Romani penchant for using knives to settle matters," where I fix momentarily on the provenance of the navaja, or "Gypsy fighting knife," in and around the Iberian Peninsula. I conclude this example with a brief anecdote about surreal circumstances surrounding my own impendent knife fight with the virtual Gypsy leader of an exclusive Yahoo! message group, leading to my expulsion from his cozy Internet campsite.
The second mentions briefly about migration from the indian subcontinent to the middle east and europe, while exploring crime and gypsies:
Gypsies, Teens and Thieves: The Societal Reaction to Crime
Nadine Blumer, University of Toronto Ontario
From "gypping" someone out of their money, referring to a life of vagrancy and laziness, admonishment for being unhygienic and germ infested, warnings of having your babies or children stolen, to admiration for musical flair, fanciful styles and a romantic life of wandering, the standard image of the Gypsy is couched in stereotype, contradiction and appears to be a caricature of all that modern-day industrialized societies reject as immoral and inefficient. However evidence of intolerance and rejection of Gypsies dates back to their first migrations out of the Indian subcontinent more than 1000 years ago into the Middle East and eventually Europe (Lewy, 1999). Who are the Gypsies and why do these images of crime, deviancy and exoticism exist and persist? In this paper I explore the social construction of crime and how this translates into repercussions for those commonly viewed as the source of trouble. I outline the historical perception of Gypsy culture as criminal and deviant and suggest that this labeling may be indicative of more general and widespread fears present in any mainstream society. Many of the explanations attributable to negative views of Gypsies are not particular to Gypsy lifestyle alone. Popular conceptions of Gypsy culture that incite so much fear and mistrust vis-Ã -vis this population can be carried over to other "suspect" populations as well. The common practice of linking adolescents to activities of ill repute and criminality is a case in point. The similarities are striking when considering the labeling of deviant behavior to which both Gypsy and youth cultures have been historically subjected. This suggests that societal reactions to crime may have more to do with those doing the labeling, than with those being labeled. As such these reactions may not necessarily be reflective of the particularities of a targeted group's distinctive culture, behavior or attitude and thus, not always based in objective meanings of crime and deviance.
from:
http://www.gypsyloresociety.org/conf03abst.html